It’s now official that Sierra Boggess will be in Rebecca The Musical on Broadway! Sierra Boggess Sierra Boggess who originated the role of Christine Daae in Love Never Dies, and has been workshopping the Broadway version of the European production of Rebecca, has been confirmed to play the lead female role – which isn’t Rebecca herself, that character is dead from the start of the story. Sierra’s role will be the heroine dubbed as “I” in the new musical adaptation of Daphne du Maurier’s Rebecca. De Winter’s second wife. Rebecca The Musical with Sierra Boggess “I” in Rebecca “I” is what we call the story’s main protagonist and narrator, because we never learn her given name. A shy, self-conscious young woman from a lower-middle class background, she begins the novel as a paid companion to Mrs. Van Hopper, a wealthy American woman. In Monte Carlo, she meets and marries the older, wealthy Maxim de Winter, and becomes “Mrs. De Winter,” mistress of Manderley. Rebecca The Musical Dates Rebecca The Musical has booked the Broadhurst Theatre, Broadway for a run beginning on March 27, 2012. Jointly directed by Michael Blakemore and Francesca Zambello, the production will open on April 22nd 2012. Sierra made her Broadway debut creating the lead role of Ariel in Disney’s The Little Mermaid and Rebecca will be It will be a reunion for Sierra and her The Little Mermaid director, Francesca Zambello. Sierra Boggess on Twitter: http://twitter.com/#!/sierra_boggess
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I posted to loveneverdiesphantom.co.uk
Sierra Boggess in Rebecca The Musical
http://www.loveneverdiesphantom.co.uk/sierra-boggess/sierra-boggess-in-rebecca-the-musical
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November 19 2011, 3:48am | Comments »
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I posted to distributedresearch.net
The truth about Twitter, Facebook and the uprisings in the Arab world
We put it on Facebook to tell the world what’s happening.
This article titled “The truth about Twitter, Facebook and the uprisings in the Arab world” was written by Peter Beaumont, for The Guardian on Friday 25th February 2011 08.00 UTC Think of the defining image of the uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa – the idea that unites Egypt with Tunisia, Bahrain and Libya. It has not been, in itself, the celebrations of Hosni Mubarak’s fall nor the battles in Tahrir Square in Cairo. Nor even the fact of Mohammed Bouazizi’s self-immolation in the central Tunisian town of Sidi Bouzid, which acted as a trigger for all the events that have unfolded. Instead, that defining image is this: a young woman or a young man with a smartphone. She’s in the Medina in Tunis with a BlackBerry held aloft, taking a picture of a demonstration outside the prime minister’s house. He is an angry Egyptian doctor in an aid station stooping to capture the image of a man with a head injury from missiles thrown by Mubarak’s supporters. Or it is a Libyan in Benghazi running with his phone switched to a jerky video mode, surprised when the youth in front of him is shot through the head. All of them are images that have found their way on to the internet through social media sites. And it’s not just images. In Tahrir Square I sat one morning next to a 60-year-old surgeon cheerfully tweeting his involvement in the protest. The barricades today do not bristle with bayonets and rifles, but with phones. As commentators have tried to imagine the nature of the uprisings, they have attempted to cast them as many things: as an Arab version of the eastern European revolutions of 1989 or something akin to the Iranian revolution that toppled the Shah in 1979. Most often, though, they have tried to conceive them through the media that informed them – as the result of WikiLeaks, as “Twitter revolutions” or inspired by Facebook. All of which, as American media commentator Jay Rosen has written, has generated an equally controversialist class of article in reply, most often written far from the revolutions. These stories are not simply sceptical about the contribution of social media, but determined to deny it has played any part. Those at the vanguard of this argument include Malcolm Gladwell in the New Yorker (Does Egypt Need Twitter?), the New Statesman’s Laurie Penny (Revolts Don’t Have to be Tweeted) and even David Kravets of Wired.co.uk (What’s Fuelling Mideast protests? It’s More Than Twitter). All have argued one way or another that since there were revolutions before social media, and it is people who make revolutions, how could it be important? Except social media has played a role. For those of us who have covered these events, it has been unavoidable. Precisely how we communicate in these moments of historic crisis and transformation is important. The medium that carries the message shapes and defines as well as the message itself. The instantaneous nature of how social media communicate self-broadcast ideas, unlimited by publication deadlines and broadcast news slots, explains in part the speed at which these revolutions have unravelled, their almost viral spread across a region. It explains, too, the often loose and non-hierarchical organisation of the protest movements unconsciously modelled on the networks of the web. Speaking recently to the Huffington Post, Rosen argued that those taking positions at either extreme of the debate were being lazy and inaccurate. “Wildly overdrawn claims about social media, often made with weaselly question marks (like: ‘Tunisia’s Twitter revolution?’) and the derisive debunking that follows from those claims (‘It’s not that simple!’) only appear to be opposite perspectives. In fact, they are two modes in which the same weightless discourse is conducted. “Revolutionary hype is social change analysis on the cheap. Debunking is techno-realism on the cheap. Neither one tells us much about our world.” Rosen is right. And when I began researching this subject I too started out as a sceptic. But what I witnessed on the ground in Tunisia and Egypt challenged my preconceptions, as did the evidence that has emerged from both Libya and Bahrain. For neither the notion of the “Twitter Revolutions” or their un-Twitterness, accurately reflects the reality. Often, the contribution of social networks to the Arab uprisings has been as important as it also has been complex, contradictory and misunderstood. Instead, the importance and impact of social media on each of the rebellions we have seen this year has been defined by specific local factors (not least how people live their lives online in individual countries and what state limits were in place). Its role has been shaped too by how well organised the groups using social media have been. When Tarak Mekki, an exiled Tunisian businessman, politician and internet activist returned to Tunisia from Canada in the days after the Jasmine Revolution he was greeted by a crowd of hundreds. Most of them know Mekki for One Thousand and One Nights, the Monday-night video he used to post on YouTube ridiculing the regime of the fled President Zine Alabidine Ben Ali. “It’s amazing that we participated via the internet in ousting him,” he said on his arrival. “Via uploading videos. What we did on the internet had credibility and that’s why it was successful.” Tunisia was vulnerable – under the Ben Ali regime – to the kind of external and internal dissent represented by One Thousand and One Nights. In a state where the media were tightly controlled and the opposition ruthlessly discouraged, Tunisia not only exercised a tight monopoly on internet provision but blocked access to most social networking sites – except Facebook. “They wanted to close Facebook down in the first quarter of 2009,” says Khaled Koubaa, president of the Internet Society in Tunisia, “but it was very difficult. So many people were using it that it appears that the regime backed off because they thought banning it might actually cause more problems [than leaving it].” Indeed, when the Tunisian government did shut it down briefly, for 16 days in August 2008, it was confronted with a threat by cyber activists to close their internet accounts. The regime was forced to back down. Instead, says Koubaa, the Tunisian authorities attempted to harass those posting on Facebook. “If they became aware of you on Facebook they would try to divert your account to a fake login page to steal your password.” And despite the claims of Tunisia being a Twitter revolution – or inspired by WikiLeaks – neither played much of a part. In Tunisia, pre-revolution, only around 200 active tweeters existed out of around 2,000 with registered accounts. The WikiLeaks pages on Tunisian corruption, says Koubaa, who with his friends attempted to set up sites where his countrymen could view them, were blocked as soon as they appeared – and anyway, the information was hardly news to Tunisians. However, “Facebook was huge,” he says. Koubaa argues that social media during Ben Ali’s dictatorship existed on two levels. A few thousand “geeks” like him communicated via Twitter, while perhaps two million talked on Facebook. The activism of the first group informed that of the latter. All of which left a peculiar loophole that persisted until December, when the regime finally launched a full-scale attack against Facebook. This in in a country that already tortured and imprisoned bloggers, and where the country’s internet censors at the Ministry of the Interior were nicknamed “Amar 404″ after the 404 error message that appeared when a page was blocked. “Social media was absolutely crucial,” says Koubaa. “Three months before Mohammed Bouazizi burned himself in Sidi Bouzid we had a similar case in Monastir. But no one knew about it because it was not filmed. What made a difference this time is that the images of Bouazizi were put on Facebook and everybody saw it.” And with state censorship rife in many of these countries, Facebook has functioned in the way the media should – as a source of information. Around a week after Ben Ali’s fall, I run into Nouridine Bhourri, a 24-year-old call-centre worker, at a demonstration in Tunis against the presence in the government of former members of the old regime. “We still don’t believe the news and television,” he says, a not surprising fact when many of the orginal journalists are still working. “I research what’s happening on Facebook and the internet.” Like many, Bhourri has become a foot soldier in the internet campaign against the old Tunisian regime. “I put up amateur video on Facebook. For instance, a friend got some footage of a sniper on Avenue de Carthage. It’s what I’ve been doing, even during the crisis. You share video and pictures. It was if you wrote something – or made it yourself – that there was a real problem.” If Twitter had negligible influence on events in Tunisia, the same could not be said for Egypt. A far more mature and extensive social media environment played a crucial role in organising the uprising against Mubarak, whose government responded by ordering mobile service providers to send text messages rallying his supporters – a trick that has been replicated in the past week by Muammar Gaddafi. In Egypt, details of demonstrations were circulated by both Facebook and Twitter and the activists’ 12-page guide to confronting the regime was distributed by email. Then, the Mubarak regime – like Ben Ali’s before it – pulled the plug on the country’s internet services and 3G network. What social media was replaced by then – oddly enough – was the analogue equivalent of Twitter: handheld signs held aloft at demonstrations saying where and when people should gather the next day. Sultan Al Qassemi, a columnist based in the United Arab Emirates who has tweeted non-stop on the uprisings, passing on information and English translations of key speeches, believes that some claims about the impact of social media need to be taken with a pinch of salt. “Social media has certainly played a part in the Arab Spring Revolutions but its impact is often exaggerated on the inside. Egypt was disconnected from the outside world for days and yet the movement never stopped. I have missed work, I have missed sleep, I have forgotten to eat, I have strained my eyes, fingers and hands, I am not Tunisian, Egyptian or Libyan, but it’s all been worth it. “Today Libya is facing an even more severe internet disruption, yet we continue to see the movement picking up pace. Where social media had a major impact was conveying the news to the outside world, bloggers and Twitter users were able to transmit news bites that would otherwise never make it to mainstream news media. “This information has been instrumental in garnering the attention of the citizens of the world who expressed solidarity with those suppressed individuals and may even put pressure on their own governments to react. Other uses for social media were to transmit information on medical requirements, essential telephone numbers and the satellite frequencies of Al Jazeera – which is continuously being disrupted.” Indeed, this is what has been most obvious about social media’s impact in Bahrain and Libya in the past week. Social networking sites have supplied the most graphic images of the crackdowns on protesters, but also broadcast messages from hospitals looking for blood, rallied demonstrators and provided international dial-up numbers for those whose internet has been blocked. Libyan activists also asked Egyptians to send their sim cards across the border so they could communicate without being bugged. But above all it has been about the ability to communicate. Egyptian-born blogger Mona Eltahawy says that social media has given the most marginalised groups in the region a voice. To say “‘Enough’ and ‘This is how I feel.’” In many respects, what people were doing on Facebook and Twitter was just what dissident bloggers had been doing in the runup to the uprisings – often at great risk. And in Tunisia under its old regime – as elsewhere – the consequences for blogging against the government’s abuses could be extremely harsh. Zuhair Yahyaoui, the founder of Tunezine, an opposition website, was imprisoned, not least for publishing a letter written by his uncle, a judge, demanding an independent judiciary. Tortured and abused in prison, he died two years after his release, aged 37. “It was a heart attack,” his uncle Mokhtar told the Guardian, “and it was made worse by prison.” One day in Tunisia I meet Lina Ben Mhenni, who blogs under the name A Tunisian Girl. The 27-year-old teacher of linguistics at Tunis University was one of the most high-profile bloggers following Mohammed Bouazizi’s self-immolation, travelling to his home town of Sidi Bouzid to chronicle events both for her blog and Facebook. “It was through Facebook that the first support groups following what happened in Sidi Bouzid were set up and the first demonstrations organised,” she says. “Social media was critical at a time when everything else was censored.” Which is not to say that everything broadcast over social media sites has been either accurate or reliable. The unedited and unmediated nature of the stories that have been told have led to inaccuracies, which have sometimes proven beneficial to those opposing the regime. One of these narratives – created right at the beginning – was the story of Bouazizi himself. The story of a university graduate forced to sell fruit who killed himself when he could not even do that proved to be incendiary. Except one of the key facts wasn’t true. Bouazizi not only hadn’t been to university, he had not even completed his school baccalaureate. And while it is unclear how the story came to be so widely believed, what is certain is that some people have planted material they believe is helpful, even if it is not true. Video of a demonstration – claimed to be a recent gathering in Iran – and placed on social media sites was actually a protest that occurred in 2009. The footage was unmasked as a fraud by Twitter users, ironically enough. But there has been another critical factor at work that has ensured that social media has maintained a high profile in these revolutions. That is the strong reliance that mainstream media such as the Doha-based television network Al Jazeera has had to place on material smuggled out via Facebook, YouTube and Twitter. This arrangement means that videos have often been broadcast back in to the country of origin – when Al Jazeera has managed to avoid having its signal blocked. For me it is a phenomena best summed up by an encounter I had with a group of young Tunisians I met during a demonstration on the day after my arrival in Tunis. I asked them what they were photographing with their phones. “Ourselves. Our revolution. We put it on Facebook,” one replied laughing, as if it were a stupid question. “It’s how we tell the world what’s happening.”
guardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2010 Published via the Guardian News Feed plugin for WordPress.
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February 25 2011, 4:51am | Comments »
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I posted to usefulwiki.com
When is Theatre Blogger Week?
http://usefulwiki.com/londontheatre/when-is-theatre-blogger-week.html
Over on the MusicalVerse blog, Jesse Owen has taken the initative to organise a “Theatre Blogger Week” which has some laudable aims and deserves to be supported by as many as possible of the growing band of theatre bloggers, and not just here in London. Before I explain more, the most important detail is probably the date: Theatre Blogger Week will run from the 25th – 29th October 2010 Aims: * to get more theatre bloggers commenting on each other’s blog posts * to unearth more theatre blogs which are out there. I’ve been blogging about Theatre breaks in London myself since 14th September 2007 when I published a short general article on my own Andy Roberts blog called “Theatre Breaks in London“ and then later joined forces with Linda to produce the London Theatre blog here, amongst other things. I was aware then, of one or two other theatre bloggers, mostly concentrating on reviews, and then started to notice some colourful characters who work in the West End starting up blogs, some of which continue, but hadn’t realised there might be enough out there now to form the basis of some kind of theatre blogging community. Now seems to be as good a time as any to try and pull it together a little bit, and that’s where the plan for a theatre blogger week comes into it. There’s also the people who take part in the regular theatre quiz on twitter via @westendupdates . The twitter hashtag for #theatrebloggerweek can be used to track blogger participants, and we have a Theatre Blogger Wiki page now, which should make it easy enough for anybody else to add their own theatre blog into the list of bloggers joining in. So if you are interested in following more theatre blogs, or starting one yourself, or have one to register on the list, keep an eye on developments on the Wiki page there and look out for new posts and comments about theater blogger week on the Musical Verse blog ( RSS ). That’s where Jesse will be unveiling further plans as we draw closer to October 25th.
When is Theatre Blogger Week? was originally posted at London Theatre Breaks blog
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October 1 2010, 5:44am | Comments »
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I posted to usefulwiki.com
Over the Rainbow Programme 2
http://usefulwiki.com/londontheatre/over-the-rainbow-programme-2.html
The search for Dorothy The BBC show Over the Rainbow quickly narrowed the field from 20 hopeful Dorothys down to 10 this week. I watched the show with Andy, my co-writer here and author of the Wizard of Oz London blog. The girls worked in 5 groups of 4 and each group faced the judges twice. The groups each sang a pop song and then met with some of our favourite West End leading ladies to work on a show song. First I’ll go through my impressions of how they got on and then I’ll share some video of the show and tell you what I thought of each of the final 10 potential Dorothys. Tamzin Outhwaite – Sweet Charity Song:If They Could See Me Now It was hard to focus on the group whilst they were with Tamzin, the camera undoubtedly loves her. She gave them some good advice and some of this group worked really well. It’s such a classic song in a way this group had an easier time than some. Having said that I was impressed. Dorothy might just be in this group. After the group sang ALW made Tamzin blush by saying how fabulous he thought she is in Sweet Charity. Sheridan Smith – Legally Blond Song: Legally Blond Sheridan Smith was funny and helpful and I thought her group would do well. Legally Blond isn’t an easy song, and though the group were OK they were a bit stiff. A couple of them still might be Dorothy. Kerry Ellis – We Will Rock You Song: Somebody to Love Despite excellent advice from Kerry this group didn’t do very well. They found the rock number tricky. Although they did their best it was obvious that some of them struggled with the rock format. Ruthie Henshall – Chicago Song: All That Jazz Ruthie was divine, of course. Full of good advice she guided them through their song. It is a deceptively easy song that relies heavily on good timing and they made quite a success of it. Her group were also probably the best dancers. Dorothy might be in this group. Mel C – Blood Brothers Song: Tell Me It’s Not True This group were totally in awe of meeting a Spice Girl but she soon put them at their ease. She told her group to keep their song ’small’, they did. It’s a sad and difficult song and the best I can say is that it was OK. One of them forgot what the song was about and kept grinning. Understandable given the pressure but not good. Having said all that one member of this group really caught my eye as a potential Dorothy The final 10 +1 The format is that the judges picked their 10 with the ‘help’ of ALW. Click here to view the embedded video. So the final 10 are…. Danielle Hope, 17, from Manchester I quite like Danielle. I think she’ll do well but I’m not sure she’s right for Dorothy. Amy Diamond, 22, from Cheshire Oh dear. I’m sure she’s got a great voice and is talented but er, she’s too grown up to be Dorothy. She’s a woman and she will have to be an amazing actress to make me believe she is a child. Lauren Samuels, 22, from London Again, lovely and talented but not maybe not Dorothy. I might be wrong and I would like to see more of her. Bronte Barbe, 18, from Cheshire She’s definitely got some sort of charisma, nice voice but I’m just not sure. Need to see more of her. Jenny Douglas, 18, from Scotland Not bad at all, she stood out in what was not that strong a group. I’m not sure what her dancing is like and we’re told they need a Dorothy that can dance as well as sing. Steph Fearon, 21, from London Good voice, tended to be a little bit too R&B sometimes. She’s a possible I think if they really are looking for a different Dorothy. Dani Rayner, 16, from Cheshire Youngest in the competition Dani really could be Dorothy. AWL likes her, she’s got a great voice and she seems to be a good actress. I was impressed. Sophie Evans, 17, from Wales As Andy (my co-writer and Wizard of Oz London blog) said “She’s Welsh, of course she can sing” . He’s right and I think she can act a bit too. I’d like her to do well but I’m not sure about the dancing … Stephanie Davis, 17, from Merseyside Very pretty, she’d make a charming Dorothy. I’d like to see more of her acting though. Jessica Robinson, 18, from Middlesborough Great face, something of the Liza Minnelli there. Little bit gawky and awkward in the pop song but she was totally at home in her show tune. She could be Dorothy.. And the wild card….. I wonder who you think should make it through? Then the other 10 sang Somewhere Over the Rainbow so the public could decide who they wanted to bring back: Click here to view the embedded video. Personally I liked Sarah but I think they are all really talented and, though they may not be Dorothy, we haven’t seen the last of any of them. Of course we’re in the world of social media now so you can follow the remaining Dorothys’ adventures on twitter - @overtherainbow or on Facebook and catch up on any shows you miss on the Over the Rainbow Youtube channel or on iPlayer. If you just want a quick catch-up I think Andy will be doing that on the Wizard of Oz London blog So who do you think will be Dorothy? a
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April 1 2010, 10:05am | Comments »
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